THE CANBERRA BOMBER
MEMORIES
OF A PILOT
Wing Commander C.G. (Bill) Kilsby MBE AFC
INTRODUCTION
General
During WW2, the major RAAF heavy
bomber aircraft was the Liberator which had been used extensively in the
Pacific Campaign. But after the war, the
government intended to preserve the Australian aviation industry which was
mainly attuned to British aircraft.
Consequently, Liberators were scrapped and the resurgent RAAF force was
slowly equipped with Lincolns built by the Government Aircraft Factory at
Fisherman’s Bend, Victoria.
The major operational role undertaken by the
Lincolns was by No 1 Sqn during the Malayan Emergency from 1951 to 1958. An amazing number of sorties were flown and an
enormous tonnage of bombs were dropped in that campaign. Actually, the Liberators could have fulfilled
the role with a lot more comfort for the crews and it would have avoided
sending a large number of aircrew deaf.
And by 1951, the Government decided to re-equip the bomber force with
the British General Electric B2 version of the Canberra to be made by the
Government Aircraft Factory (its designation was the B20 and its RAAF prefix
was A84 -). Also, the Rolls Royce Avon
jet engine would be made under licence by Commonwealth Aircraft Corporation also
at Fishermans Bend as they had previously produced the Rolls Royce Merlin for
Lincolns and Mustangs.
An aside. I mention the Government Aircraft Factory
Melbourne a number of times. Lincolns,
and some basic Canberra parts were made at the factory at Fishermans’
Bend. There was a limited airfield there
and all associated Lincoln flights were conducted there. After returning to Melbourne to live in 1997,
I have looked many times from the height of the Westgate Bridge to see if I can
identify where the airfield was but it has completely disappeared. Canberra final assembly and all associated
flights were conducted from the then new airfield at Avalon.
Although the Canberra force was to
consist of Australian built aircraft the first of which was to come off the
factory line in early 1953, it was decided to obtain a couple of early models
for pre experience. Thus, the Canberra
was introduced to Australia by the arrival of English Electric pre production
model A84-307 ferried by Wg Cdr Jel Cummings (Commanding Officer of Aircraft
Research and Development Unit) and Sqn Ldr Col Harvey late in 1951. It was temporarily assigned to ARDU at
Laverton for a limited test program. A
little later it was joined at Laverton by early British production model, A84-125.
Initial Developments.
class=WordSection2>
Looking forward to introducing the
aircraft into No. 82 Bomber Wing at Amberley Queensland, the Canberra
Conversion Flight was formed at Amberley with the two aircraft in early 1952.
Two pilots and two navigators were trained on them to become the command and
staff of the unit. The pilots were Sqn
Ldr Jim Wilson (Commanding Officer) and Flg Off Bob Atkinson while the
navigators were Flt Lt McLeod and Flt Lt Geoff Blackwell.
Also, in early 1952 a requirement
arose for two RAAF Canberra crews to participate in a joint RAF, RAAF weapons
trial program at Woomera. I had just
returned from a full tour of operations as an Lincoln captain in the Malayan
Emergency and was selected as captain of one of the crews, my navigator was Flg
Off Eric Walker. The other pilot was Flt
Sgt Ron Hunt who had just completed a tour on Meteors in Korea. His navigator was Flt Sgt John Bell.
The Liberator had a crew of 11 men;
the Lincoln 7 men. The Canberra crew was
normally 2: pilot and navigator. A good
crew could integrate and form a great team.
Over time, I crewed with many navigators and found every one of them
excellent - it was the ideal crew for highspeed operations.
In all my time in the RAAF, the
aircrews and ground crews were highly skilled and dedicated to the Air
Force. I guess that all the aircrew were
a bit mad and obsessed with aircraft, flying, and the mission. In the squadron hut, in the mess after work,
at squadron outings, everywhere, we discussed flying and operations. Over a few, or many beers, more imaginative
solutions were aired and some of them were worthy of follow up.
Evolution of the Canberra Aircraft in Australia.
The two British aircraft were
markedly different from each other and from the Australian version when it was
eventually produced. A84-307 had disk
brakes but was not fitted with the Dunlop Maxaret system which was the earliest
version of ABS, but that system was fitted to A84-125 and to all Australian
produced Canberras. Both aircraft had 12
channel VHF communications only but the associated microphone wiring and
intercommunication system was different. 307's was quite rational but 125 was
fitted with a system designed for a maritime aircraft with a crew of 10 plus
and a complex array of radios etc. No
one ever understood it and it was the cause of a couple of unusual outcomes.
The Australian produced Canberra was
a reproduction of the British B2 and almost identical being fitted with Rolls
Royce Avon RA3 engines of 7,000 lbs. thrust.
They were very inflexible and very difficult to handle. From about A84-214 on the newer RA7 (the
same as in the Sabre) engines were fitted to add 500 lbs of thrust and much
more flexible handling but still within the limitations of a single spool
configuration.
Pilot Conversion to Type.
There was no dual aircraft until the
late 1950's when the two original British built aircraft were so modified. The method of pilot conversion was for the
pupil to sit on the jump seat and observe for two flights. Then the instructor sat on the jump seat in
an advisory role for the next flight -
not a happy instructor! That was
also made more difficult as touch and go landings were prohibited because of
the poor engine characteristics. Also,
repeat landings on any flight were prohibited due to lack of brake cooling.
Our conversion was prolonged because
of limited aircraft serviceability mainly due to a lack of spares. Nevertheless, both crews were deemed
converted in late July. During the down
periods of the aircraft, I had continued as the 82 Wing instructor on
Lincolns. Simultaneously, the Conversion
Flight was conducting ground crew training on the aircraft and I was able to
sit in on their lectures and thus gained a very thorough knowledge of the
aircraft and was fully involved during that time. On completion of the course, I was
accredited as an instructor on Canberras.
Handling.
The Canberra was a pretty aircraft,
the first bomber to have elegant lines.
The airframe itself was easy and a delight to fly. It had no auto pilot which meant hand flying
it all the time. I found that no sweat
except when looking up radio or navigation frequencies or complex let down
procedures especially at night due to the abysmal cockpit lighting which was
inherent in British aircraft. Further,
it freed us from the jerky, wallowing action of the British auto pilots thus
improving fuel consumption on a well flown aircraft. It was a new dimension for most of us,
ushering in the vastly different characteristics of jet aircraft. The cord of the wing was large providing a
large wing area for the wing span (low aspect ratio) providing for a low
landing speed (105 knots) and reasonable high max speed but a very bumpy ride
in any turbulence. As well as different
handling, we the plodding bomber crews were lifted in speed from about 200
knots cruising speed to 500 + knots and introduced to the problems with very
high altitude and high Mach numbers. The
climb speed was 300k IAS, twice that of the Lincoln. The Canberra was limited
to Mach .85 with marked buffet and pitching from M.82 up.
The Canberra did not have power
controls but it had to contend with a vast range of speeds and the large pitch
variations as Mach changes caused large movements of the center of pressure. To that end, a fully moving tailplane was
installed for the forward 2/3 of the aerofoil.
That was operated by an electric screw jack controlled by a three way
switch (up, down, or center, off) on the top of the right hand control
yolk. Normal movements were small and it
was usually operated by a flicking motion and that also served as the elevator
trim. The trailing part of the tailplane
was a fairly conventional elevator but with a quite intricate method of operation. The details of the control system is shown
in ANNEX B
Comfort.
There was none. Although the aircraft was quite capable of
altitudes of up to 55,000 feet, the maximum altitude was decreed to be 48,000
feet because of crew limitations coping with the very high cabin altitude as the
Canberra was only pressurized to a maximum of 3 ½ lbs/ sq. inch (American and
later British combat aircraft were pressurized. to 8 PSI). Both heating and cooling of the cabin was
abysmal in early aircraft with the result that in the tropics, cabin temperature
before takeoff would be as high as 70 c.
Less than 20 minutes later, on reaching cruising altitude of 40,000
feet, the cabin temperature would be about - 5 c. All the metal interior would be frosted
over. In fact, it was like sitting in a
deep freeze. At the same time, the cabin
altitude would be about 28,000 feet necessitating the crew to breath 100%
oxygen delivered under some pressure. We wore a new type oxygen masks which
when coupled to a pressure vest allowed breathing high pressure oxygen in cases
of very low cabin pressure. These masks
were absolutely rigid and after a while hurt like hell especially across the
nose sometimes rubbing it raw. I still
carry the scars.
There was no way to dress for such
extremes and the 4 hours plus cruise became extremely uncomfortable to say the
least. The air conditioning system was
modified in production aircraft from about mid1954 and, ultimately, previous
aircraft were post modified. Later
military aircraft types were pressurized to 8 lbs/sq. inch, but the Canberra
could not be as the airframe would not have stood the extra pressure
differential .
The distance from floor to the
eggshell canopy was limited in the pilot’s area. Thus, for escape, the ejection seat had to
accelerate the pilot over a shorter distance than the seats were originally
designed. That resulted in a high G
force (18G) close to the extreme that the body could stand without injury. For that reason, the only cushion provided
for the pilot and navigator was the survival water bladder and a 10 millimeter
felt pad. The occupants’ tails became
sore very quickly.
The rapid decompression of the cabin
on climb and the reverse compression during descent posed more than comfort
problems. We ensured that crews did not
fly with a head cold. Even then there
were problems with extreme ear pain if there were any restriction in the ear
canals. But a more serious incident
occurred on a flight 1st February 1962. I took off from Amberley with Flt Lt Slim
Sawyer as Navigator on a high level air defense exercise in the Sydney
area. Just as we leveled at 40,000 feet,
Slim gasped and then croaked something like “I think that one of my lungs has
burst”! I closed the throttles and did
an almost wing over into a steep descent with full speed brakes out. I informed Brisbane control of an emergency,
got clearance for descent and to change radio frequency to Amberley. I declared an emergency to them, requested a
straight in approach and that an ambulance meet us. The aircraft was fitted with tip tanks
(empty) for which there was a descent limitation of 5,000 feet / minute as
there were no inward venting valves on the tip tanks. We exceeded that for the first 15,000 feet or
so, but then heeded the warning at lower altitudes where ambient pressure was
increasing rapidly. Slim was conscious,
but in considerable pain.
We maintained maximum permitted
speed until it was necessary to get the aircraft configured for landing. We did not get down to correct approach
speed until about 500 feet on finals.
After touch down hard brake and then engine shut down to coast to an
intercepting taxiway where the ambulance had stationed. The medics helped Slim from the aircraft and
he was in hospital about 20 minutes from the start of the incident. I believe one of Slim’s lungs had
deflated. However, he made a full
recovery and was assessed fit for flying about 6 months later but I do not
think for Canberras. Certainly, I have
no record of him flying with me again.
Engines.
Previous jets, Vampires and Meteors, were
powered by engines with centrifugal compressors. The Canberra was the first jet aircraft in
Australia with axial flow engines, namely the Rolls Royce Avon RA3. In
axial flow engines the air is ingested , compressed, burned, and exhausted in a
continuos direction instead of by the
centrifugal compressor in earlier engines.
It produced infinitely more power but was, in the early versions, very
difficult to operate.
This may be a good place to mention
the aircraft’s single engine flight characteristics. From a 45,000 foot cruise while lightly
laden, without any power at all, the aircraft would glide for 150 + nautical
miles (270 km.) if the optimum speed was maintained. Thus, with one engine operating at maximum
continuous, the float down was very long.
What is more, the aircraft would maintain altitude on one engine at
about 25,000 feet but the fuel consumption was very high. Approach and landing was not difficult
provided the correct procedures were followed.
The critical speed was decreed as 120 knots (that is the minimum speed
that the pilot could hold directional control with one only engine operating at
full power) but most of us found that quite a bit optimistic. A go round could be performed if commenced
early. Therefore, one maintained 120
knots + and at least 5,000 RPM on the good engine until committed to land. As flaps were only 2 position (up or fully
down) flaps were not extended until commitment and then speed was brought back
to normal.
For single engine flight, the rudder
was extremely heavy when significant power was applied. I used to try and lock the active knee, pull
the harness as tight as possible so that I would not be lifted up in the seat
and juggle the throttle for as much power as I could hold while maintaining
directional control.
During conversion, the difficult
engine characteristics led to two incidents.
Descent from cruising altitude was with engines at idle and speed brakes
out in order to minimise the time spent with the engines inefficient and
gulping fuel. On re-entering the
circuit after descent from altitude, power was brought up to 6500 - 7000rpm
approx. The first incident was with
Ron Hunt when he failed to recognize the engine rumbling which indicated a
compressor stall on one engine as he tried to accelerate the engines from
idle. Subsequently, the engine was
cooked and had to be changed. A couple
of days later, I encountered the same problem on the port engine of the other
aircraft (A84-307) but luckily, and probably alerted by Ron’s incident, I
understood what was happening. Over
several very careful attempts, the engine refused to accelerate above 6000
RPM. I then shut it down and did a
single engine landing which was not without additional dramas.
In those days, the main runway at
Amberley (6,000 feet long) was crossed by the New England Highway about 2,000
feet from the threshold. Traffic control
was maintained by the use of manually operated boom gates which covered about
70 % of the highway in the active direction.
When I was approaching to land, the guards closed the boom gates on each
side of the runway but then transferred their interest to the approaching
aircraft which was still a novelty.
Along came an old utility and chugged around the barrier and out onto
the strip. As I was already in flare,
the only thing I could do was to push up as much power as I could control on
the operating engine and just managed to go over the ute before sagging back
onto the runway. Then it was hard brake
as a good bit of the strip was already behind me.
The engine was ground run and it
repeatedly compressor stalled at 5,900 RPM much to the bewilderment of our
ground staff. They had little test
equipment to fully explore the problem.
Why two similar malfunctions should occur so close together was never
worked out and we had few similar incidents subsequently. The engine was eventually removed and sent
back to Commonwealth Aircraft Factory where they discovered a faulty bleed
valve unit. All the automatic functions
for the engine were replaced and it again functioned normally and was returned
to service. Those engines did not have
a shrouded rear turbine and thus were limited to a 150 hour operating life. It was not long before the engine was reinstalled,
this time on the starboard side of A84-307.
About a year later I was flying that aircraft out of Laverton. At 40,000 feet north of Sale there was an
horrendous clatter. Can you imagine a
metal garbage can being struck with a sledge hammer at a rate of 7,000 times
per minute. After making a very improper
exclamation, I identified the problem which was the unshrouded turbine coming
apart, shut down the engine, reduced speed to minimum to try and stop the
damaged turbine from destroying the outer casing of the engine, and commenced a
very slow let down back to Laverton. The
noise was considerably abated and there was no trouble with a single engine
landing quite some time later.
Later engines were fitted with
shrouded turbines and this problem did not re occur. Also, the RA3 engine was modified to
incorporate progressively opening swirl vanes (the first stage of compressor)
instead of the original two position devices and thus improve the engine
handling characteristics. From about
production aircraft A84-211 onward, all aircraft were fitted with the later RA7
engine which was more powerful and user friendly. But, still fairly tricky.
Another more serious incident. In preparation for the 1953 air race from
London to Christchurch, Mike Ridgeway, with Jack Bell as navigator and, I think
Phil Hamilton Foster were doing a quick check out of the refueling and flight
planning facilities on the sectors from Ceylon back to Woomera.. While flying at 45,000 feet about midway
between Ceylon and Cocos Island, they encountered a line of storms going up to
well above 48,000 feet. Mike tried to
climb through a gap and at 48,000 feet he suddenly had both engines flame
out. Of course, no attempt could be
made to relight them above 15,000 feet.
Somehow, they managed to penetrate the storms while gliding. All possible electrical equipment was turned
off to conserve battery power as the generators were not working with the
engines shut down. It was a long, quiet
and very bumpy ride. I believe that Mike
turned on the VHF a couple of times to transmit a “MAYDAY” but as the VHF only
had a range of about 200 miles, no one heard.
On reaching 15,000 feet, Mike tried a relight on one engine. No success!
Then the other. No success! A very worrying time. At last, at a frighteningly lower altitude,
one engine was successfully restarted.
Very soon after, surprisingly, the other also lit. The rest of the flight to Cocos Island was
apparently without further incident. I
later asked Jack Bell what he was doing during the long, long descent. He said “I packed up my nav bag and tidied up
the nav station. What else was there to
do?”
A possible explanation of the
reluctance of the engines to relight was through low battery voltage. Certainly, the second engine started without
trouble once the first generator was on line.
The cause of the double engine flame out was a lot more complex.
After the relight, both engines
functioned normally; the ground staff could find nothing wrong with them. Mike then cautiously flew the aircraft back
to Laverton. Rolls Royce assistance was
requested and then it was disclosed that they were aware of a high altitude,
high RPM compressor instability. The
problem would only occur at temperatures which, at that time were considered
far below any that could occur. That was
because of a lack of knowledge of high altitude atmospheric conditions in the
tropics. When the flame outs occurred,
the ambient temperature was probably about -65c at their altitude (10 c. below ICAN figures) and the IAS (Indicated Air Speed)
was low resulting in very little ram effect in the engine intakes. The ensuing compressor instability caused the
multiple flame out.
The problem was inherent in the
engine type so, for the future we were aware that a problem could occur with a
combination of low IAS and extremely low temperatures at high altitude and thus
we tried to avoid the danger area. There
was a formula for calculating it but it was impractical for use in most
circumstances. Thankfully, the
conditions were extremely unlikely to occur but, some engines were more
susceptible than others and turbulence exaggerated the problem. While engaged in a test program at Woomera,
on two occasions, I had the port engine flame out through this phenomenon while
a little outside the danger zone. On
both occasions, the starboard engine was not affected.
Although various modifications were
made over the life of the Avon engine to improve its power and engine handling,
it still had the basic deficiencies inherent to a single spool engine - that is
that all stages of compressor and turbines were on one shaft thus ensuring that
the compromises were too great. Second
generation axial flow jet engines were designed first with two spools (first stages
of compressor and final stages of turbine being on an inner shaft with later
stages of compressor and first stages of turbine on an outer shaft each tuned
for efficiency) and now a days, with more spools and leading fan stages of
compressor.
Our conversion suffered a number of
stoppages through aircraft grounding the first of which was because of the escape system which
depended on a number of explosive bolts (see Annex B for a description of the
escape system.). Also, the ejection
seats were also powered by explosive shells. The bolts had a very short
installed life. Of course no
replacements were available and the aircraft were grounded until they
arrived. The next hold up was also
because of the escape system - this time because of failure of the rear hinge
of the canopy. This was redesigned and
we got on with it again.
All the escape system explosive
bolts were isolated by a Master Switch on the left console. Subsequently, the canopy and the navigators
hatch could be detonated by separate switches for pilot and navigator and a
further switch on the left console was to sever the elevator control. The activation switches were covered by a
hinged flap with a hole for the switch to poke through when off and the flap
was lightly lock wired down. During pre
start up checks, the drill was to check those switches lock wired off and the
master switch off. Then, immediately
before takeoff, the pilot would turn on the master switch.
In 1960 I fell foul of a gross
deficiency in the system. I was air
testing one of the dual aircraft which had the canopy detonation switch on the
starboard side of the instrument panel.
Before start up, I reached over and checked the safety flap in position
and lock wired. Then, immediately before
takeoff, I turned on the master switch.
There was a hell of an explosion as the canopy explosive bolts
fired. I got bruised a bit by flying
bolt heads and the cabin was full of smoke.
After shutting down, I checked the activator switch which still had the
flap down and lock wired. But to my
surprise, I found that the flap had two holes in it and had been wrongly lock
wired in the “ON” position during
inspection. The canopy was busted in
the incident. To make matters worse,
there was much discussion about it in the hanger and one of the senior
armourers, while trying to explain what had happened to one of his men, managed
to blow the navigators hatch in another aircraft in the hanger. I put in a defect report on the safety flap
as I believed that it was inconceivable that a safety flap could be used which
could permit the switch to be safetied in the wrong position. That did not stop the Station Commander from
insisting that I be charged for “negligently damaging Her Majesty’s aircraft”
and he took pleasure in awarding me a reprimand which is shown in one’s
documents and specifies a delay in promotion.
I was not pleased and considered it very unjust. Also, I was disgusted at the complete idiocy
in that the flap was not ever modified.
Many pilots throughout the world had
very grave doubts about all the switches and detonators in the escape
system. Consequently, they activated it
only at times they considered of higher risk: for example landing. Such actions are probably the explanation of the
following major accident..
These are the known facts. A RAF Canberra was approaching its home
airfield. The pilot established contact
with the control tower and then there was silence. The aircraft dived into the ground at a
steep angle some miles from the airfield.
The remains of the pilot’s canopy were located reasonably intact some
many miles further back along the aircraft’s flight path. The remainder of the aircraft was very badly
broken up but it appeared that the tailplane was in the full nose down position
The cockpit was completely disintegrated and the human remains very greatly
scrambled, scattered and buried. The
remains of the two navigators were found in a farmer’s field along the
way. Owing to lack of witnesses and
the extreme destruction of the aircraft, no firm conclusions could be
established. But knowledge of the
aircraft type and its deficiencies brought forward this version of the sequence
of the events.
The pilot did not turn on the
detonation master switch until approaching the airfield for landing. But the activate switch was live and the
pilot’s canopy blew. The rear hinge
failed and the forward edge of the canopy decapitated the pilot. The aircraft was well trimmed and continued
to fly smoothly. The two navigators came forward. One of them was a scrubbed pilot before
being assigned to navigator training.
They thought that he could land the aircraft if he could get into the
seat. They tried to extricate the
pilot but, on release of his safety harness, he sagged across the control
column thus activating the tailplane switch causing the aircraft to very
rapidly pitch nose down throwing both navigators out through the missing
canopy. The aircraft dived into the
ground at high speed.
Fuel Handling.
Of the fuselage tanks, the front and rear
carried the bulk of the fuel. The gauges
were arranged in a column towards the starboard side of the instrument panel. On each side of the gauge for each tank was
the engine fuel supply switch, the left one being for the port engine and the
right for the starboard. For take off
and landing, all switches were on. For
cruise, we fed one engine with the front tank and the other with the rear to
maintain balance and to make sure that the center smaller tank with less surge
was available for landing. Thus, at top
of climb, both pumps for the center tank would be switched off and one each for
the front and rear tank. The initial
configuration could well be: left front tank switch on, right front off, both
center off, right rear on, left rear off.
To even out the wear on the pumps, the pattern would be changed every
half hour in a sequence like: left rear on, left front off, right front on,
right rear off. We very quickly got
confident and could do the change very quickly without any thought. The trick was to make sure that the other
pump and cock for each engine was switched on before the previously active one
was switched off. Of course, it was
inevitable, that some distraction would cause two pumps to be on for one engine
and none for the other - immediately, one engine out!
One night early on, I was flying
A84-125 on a Navigation exercise with two navigators in the back. At 40,000 over outback NSW, I got the fuel
pump sequence wrong causing a flame out for the port engine. I went through the engine shut down
procedures and commenced let down to 15,000 feet, the maximum altitude that
those early engines could be relit.
Simultaneously, my headset microphone went off line so I could not tell
the navigators about it. Naturally, they
became a bit agitated and started to demand an explanation as to what was going
on. In the absence of being able to
talk, I tried to make appropriate calming hand signals hoping they would be
discernable in the back in the almost dark.
That did not work very well and the lead navigator shouted on the
intercom “Don’t keep wagging your hand at me, tell us what’s happening”! Eventually, I thought of the mysterious
switch and found that I must have knocked it on during the flurry of closing
throttle and high pressure cock to complete the shut down of the engine. After it was turned off, we
reestablished communication. We descended to 15,000 feet and set up the
complex procedure to successfully relight the engine, and got on with the
navex. Later, in the Mess over a couple
of beers, the lead navigator said “I had decided that at 10,000 feet, I would
blow the hatch and eject”. “Sorry, you
could not do that” said the second navigator.
“Why?”. “I was going to go at 15,000
feet!”
Thus, we learned the purpose of the extra
switch. It was so that the pilot could
isolate his microphone from the intercom when he was involved in using the
radios. Maybe useful on a multi crewed
maritime aircraft, but completely superfluous in the Canberra.
Nose Wheel Up.
During the London to Christchurch
Air Race in August 1953, our first nose wheel up accident occurred. A84-201 was landing at Woomera very late at
night having departed that leg from Colombo in Ceylon. The crew were Sqn Ldr Peter Raw (Captain),
Flt Lt Noel Davis (Co - pilot), and Flt Lt Bill Kerr as Navigator. Noel was flying the aircraft while Peter was
doing all the support tasks such as assisting in the navigation and keeping the
fuel log. All the crew were fatigued
having had no rest since leaving England - each refueling stop was only a few
minutes while fuel was taken aboard and a new flight plan delivered for the
next leg. At Woomera, Noel did not
realize that the nosewheel did not extend and landed with it up causing quite
considerable damage to the underside of the nose of the aircraft. Some of the aerials were damaged and the
pitot head was ripped off. The
engineering staff did a wonderful job to get the nose wheel extended, make
superficial repairs to the skin of the aircraft, and reattach the pitot head
which, of course could not be calibrated, and thus their air speed indication
would be not accurate. The crew then
carried on to Christchurch where the weather was far from good. Owing to the then lack of radio aids, they
had to do a complicated let down procedure thus losing more time. Despite all that, they managed second
place.
Subsequent enquiries did not reveal
the cause of the nose wheel lock up.
That the pilot did not realize that the wheel was still locked up was
forgiven due to his fatigue and the configuration of the undercarriage
indicator lights. The indicators show a
green light for every wheel down and locked and a red light for every wheel in
an unlocked state. There are no lights
shown for wheels locked up. To stop the
green lights interfering with pilot vision when landing, there is a dimming
system for use at night which renders them to a dull glow. After selecting gear down, Noel saw the dim
glow of greens and failed to notice that there were only two - there was no red
light for the nose wheel as it remained locked up.
Subsequently, we, the pilots
realized the problem and modified our check from “Gear down - green lights” to
“Gear down - 1, 2, 3 greens” counting them off.
That was perfectly adequate pending a possible modification that would
show a red light on every wheel that was not locked down after gear was
selected. That approach was not
pursued. Instead our brains trust
installed a bright flashing amber light that activated when the throttles were
retarded and all gear was not locked down.
There was no dimmer for night operations. It was hopeless. We usually started let down from forty or so
thousand feet with the throttles closed and continued instrument procedures
until touch down. Gear was not selected
until 1,500 feet turning on to final.
During all that time, at night the pilot was blinded with that damned
flashing light which, when combined with the appalling instrument lighting,
caused a dangerous situation. However,
our defect reports and pleas went nowhere.
On a number of occasions, I solved the problem by giving the light a
good kick again causing threats of wilfully damaging.
Of all the gear failures in the
Canberra, nose wheel failure to extend was the most common. I had the same problem occur at Darwin, as
that which had occurred on the air race, and was able to work out the
reason. On return to base at Darwin
after a high level navex, the nose gear on A84-211 failed to extend. Coincidentally, that aircraft also had a
problem with asymmetric feed of the tip tanks and on this occasion the
starboard tip tank also had failed to feed.
Suspecting the problem, I retracted the main gear and proceeded to fly
around at fairly high speed. Almost
immediately, the tip tank started to feed as the fuel temperature
increased. About 10 minutes later,
recycling the gear produced three greens - all three wheels down and
locked. Obviously, the ice on the up
lock had melted.
The problem occurred after taking
off in a very moist atmosphere and
quickly climbing to the very low temperatures that can be experienced in the
tropics. The moist air condenses and
settles on the operating lever of the nose wheel lock forming clear ice which
is very hard and strong. The unlocking
mechanism is then un able to break the lock clear. That problem occurred to me three times,
always with A84-211. No other aircraft,
including A84-201, was so affected to my knowledge. I have no idea why it only occurred to that
one aircraft but can only conclude that it was a quirk of the ventilation in
the nose wheel bay on that particular aircraft.
The explanation for it only occurring once for A84-201 could have been
that the aircraft had become cold soaked in its long journey from the United
Kingdom and, after the very quick turn around it was conducive to icing.
There were other cases of nose wheel
up landings but it is fairly unlikely that they were caused by the above
problem. One that comes to mind was an
incident when one of our aircraft was landing at Richmond. The pilot was Flg Off Keith (Masher) Molloy
who was brilliant. When Masher realised
the nose wheel was not going to extend (he had recycled the gear three times,
the maximum permitted) he planned his landing.
He still had a lot of fuel. He
organized the control tower personnel to get the weight and balance tables and
read certain sections to him. He then
calculated, in his head, that if he could burn off all the fuel in the forward
fuselage tank and retain most of it in the rear tank, the Center of Gravity
would move aft sufficient for it to be just behind the main wheels with the
nose in a very high attitude. He then
asked that a number of ground staff assemble near the end of the runway. When he got the balance to where he wanted
(it was at maximum aft limit) he landed pulling the nose high and getting some
braking while the tailplane was still effective. As speed died, he shut down
the engines and rotated the nose higher until the emergency tail skid was
dragging. When the aircraft was slow
enough, the ground staff rushed out and held the tail down until a support
could be placed under the nose. Result
was no damage except some rubbing to the tail skid which had to be replaced.
Another instance in which I recall
was to one of my junior pilots at Amberley.
I was invited to the tower to advise when he could not get the nose
wheel to extend. He did not have the
fuel available to get the Center of Gravity as far aft as Masher had. However, we conferred and he proceeded to set
it up as best available. We also got the
ground staff positioned. Unfortunately,
after touch down, he could not get much
brake without tipping the aircraft on its nose.
Subsequently, the aircraft overran the runway and the extra drag to the
wheels on the unprepared surface caused the nose to gently pitch down. There was a bit of damage to under the nose
but not that much. The young pilot did
and excellent job.
OPERATING THE AIRCRAFT
Weather.
We very soon found out that tropical
and southern hemisphere mid latitudes weather was vastly different to that of
Europe and that very little was really known about it. Everyone had believed for years that the
criteria laid out in the International Convention of Air Navigation (ICAN) was
gospel. But we discovered that was not
so and that ICAN was really only an average of the vastly different
circumstances occurring across the globe.
ICAN states that the temperature
will decrease at a linear rate from ground level up to the tropopause which is
the level above which temperature no longer decreases with increasing altitude
and in some cases increases. ICAN
decrees that the tropopause will occur at 35,000 feet and the temperature will
be - 54.7 c. In fact, when progressing
from the poles to the equator, the height of the tropopause could be about
20,000 feet and the temperature -35
c. at the poles and, for the equator, 45,000 feet and -65 c. Because of that we experienced a vastly
different environment. Also, that was a
major contributor to the “jet stream”.
The jet stream was completely new to us but it was to affect most
aspects of high altitude flight.
The jet stream is a band of very
high speed wind at high altitude. It is
centered about the tropopause and probably causes a mutation of the tropopause
which I will call the split tropopause.
It runs in streams and after a while we got to know where to expect a
jet stream although they changed location over the year and for some periods
were non existent. An active jet stream
could produce winds of 180 knots or so.
In Australia, we found that there was such a jet stream curving down
from about Exmouth Gulf across central West Australia and then North East to
exit Australia somewhere near Evans Head.
That stream moves about a bit and is at its strongest in the winter and
quite moderate or non existent in the summer.
Thus, the airlines take almost an hour longer on the flight from Sydney,
Melbourne, or Adelaide to Bali than the return during the winter.
Previous thinking was that
thunderstorm clouds would not penetrate far above the tropopause and thus,
according to ICAN, would not be evident above 35,000 feet. But in real life we found thunder heads rising
to well above 55,000 feet in the tropics.
Because of the extent of the associated rise of the air, the updrafts
were tremendous. Also, there is a large
difference in the cooling of dry air to that of moist air which resulted in
extreme turbulence in thunderstorms.
During tropical trials of the Canberra at Darwin in 1954, we recounted
our observations to the meteorological staff and were mainly disbelieved. One meteorologist was so adamant that I
challenged him to fly with me and made all the arrangements. At 45,000 feet he was astounded to see
thunder heads rising at least another 10,000 feet above us. He changed his ideas and from then on was a
great help in understanding the new knowledge that was unfolding.
Navigation.
The Canberra was designed for
British operations: that is short range and with the “G” navigational and
bombing systems used quite effectively in Europe during the latter stages of
WW2. But Australia did not have the
ground based system to allow that to operate.
Instead, the only navigational aid was a dubious British radio compass
which provided little help especially at night. There were very few radio beacons and in the
outback, even commercial radio stations were infrequent. However, we sure learned the words of
‘beautiful, beautiful Queensland” which seemed to be about the only music
played by outback radio stations. Also,
because our operations demanded much greater range, we intended to operate at
much higher altitudes which involved so many of the previously unknowns.
Also, the early aircraft did not have leading edge fuel tanks and thus,
carried 1000 gallons less of fuel than the later models were capable of. Thus, fuel was critical and we based a lot of
importance on flight planning which was even more difficult because the
meteorologists had little data on which to base their weather forecasts. During
flight planning, the navigator would use the Dalton Navigational calculator to
compute a comprehensive air plot with headings and ground speeds. The pilot would use a trig system to calculate
head and tail wind components and thus the time on each leg. Using the fuel consumption tables,
he would then
construct a fuel graph for the flight.
Pilot and navigator would then compare their time over each leg. If there were a discrepancy of more than a
minute on any leg, both crew would recalculate all.
In flight, we used to check the wind whenever
possible by a system of three course winds.
It was done by taking a drift (using the bombsight) on the main heading,
then turning 60 degrees and hold it for 2 minutes while taking another drift,
then turning back 120 degrees the other way, again holding it for 2 minutes
while taking another drift, then back to original heading. The process was deemed to merely place the
aircraft 2 minutes less along the air plot and the three drifts would allow the
navigator to calculate the wind speed and direction. But we had to be able to see the surface
which was not possible at night or above cloud. It was extremely difficult to cope with jet
streams which were a completely unknown quantity. We slowly got to build a picture of where to
expect them in our operating area. Very
high winds were common in the Evans Head area.
Another area was south of the Gulf of Carpenteria where 100 knot winds
often occurred with direction anywhere from North East to North West.
But I got a nasty surprise one night in August
1954 when flying a Navex Perth, Carnarvon, Kalgoorlie, Perth at 35,000
feet. We were quite a bit late on ETA at
Carnarvon. Then, on the leg down to
Kalgoorlie there was nothing to check our navigation. No small towns, no radio beacons,
nothing. Before ETA was up, I saw a few
scattered lights where no lights should have been. Luckily, we presumed that it could only be
Forrest which was far East of where we should have been. We turned West to head back to Perth. After sometime we managed to get a fix and
confirm that we were bucking a very strong wind and had a long way to go. No airfields to the East of Perth were open
and we were critical on fuel. Luckily,
we decided to descend 5,000 feet and encountered a much lesser headwind. The radio compass eventually came good on the
beacon at Pearce and we were able to land there with very little fuel
left.
On the ground, we back plotted the
flight using the all the information that was then available and established
that we had encountered a 180 knot jet stream.
I learned a lot about jet streams that night. Mainly the characteristic ripple turbulence
on entering or at the edge of a jet stream is an excellent pointer to its
existence. It is caused by the friction
of very fast air against slow air on the outer - very much like the ripples
near a river bank. Those ripples can be
a guide if one tries to climb above or descend below from the very high speed
core which may only cover 5,000 feet or so around the tropopause.
Later on we got Distance Measuring
Equipment which indicated the distance to a series of beacons mainly situated
at RAAF airfields (not to be confused with TACAN which also gave a very
accurate direction indication). Later
still we got Green Satin, a doppler system which accurately gave drift and
ground speed. Sheer bliss.
Fatal Accidents.
Military aircraft are built for war
purposes and therefore do not prescribe to the safety standards of civilian
aircraft. Also, military assault
aircraft are not intended for continual day to day operations over a long
period.; they are not designed for big flying hour totals. Thus, military aircraft are loaded beyond the
limits of civil acceptance and are operated to their very limits during
training and action. Not to do so could
well result in military inferiority and disaster. In this context, the Canberra was a very safe
aircraft. To my recall, there were only
three fatal accidents in the long operating life of the Canberra, with, I
think, only six killed. Compared with
the first few years of the Lincoln, that was not much.
The first was a conversion accident
at Amberley. Flt Lt David Nichols was
the trainee pilot at the controls with my very good friend Flt Lt Noel Davis as
the instructor pilot - remember that he did not have access to any controls but
could only act in an advisory capacity.
I cannot remember who the navigator was nor do I remember what was the
result of the Court of Inquiry. However,
my impression is that they were performing a single engine go around and it got
out of control resulting in a viscous peel off before striking the ground in
the middle of the airfield where the aircraft burned. All were killed! One theory was that they induced rudder stall
after which the aircraft would be completely uncontrollable. Tests at altitude could replicate the final
manoeuver. Maybe?
A side story. Molly and I were living in one of the Ipswich
suburbs. A neighbor came to her and said
that he had been driving past Amberley and saw a Canberra crash and burn: was
it Bill? Molly had heard nothing and
statistically there was a good chance that it could be me as there were so few
that could fly the airplane. Luckily,
she knew that I was ferrying a Long Nose Lincoln to Government Aircraft Factory
in Melbourne that day and bringing back another the next day ( my secondary
duty was still as 82 Wing Lincoln instructor and I was also testing any darn
aircraft that I could get my hands on at 82 Wing or No. 3 Aircraft Depot). Otherwise, she could have had a real
worry. I think that Des could have cut
his tongue out immediately after he said it .
Early in March 1955, a Canberra on a
training flight out of Amberley, had the navigator eject at low level. His ejection seat and parachute did not have
time to complete their sequences due to the extremely low altitude and he was
killed. The navigator was Flg Off
Martin, a RAF exchange officer. Once again,
I think that the Court of Inquiry failed to establish the cause of the
accident.
There were many theories how it
happened. The most likely is that, at
high altitude, the pilot (still quite inexperienced on type) performed a wing
over into a steep dive to enter a Mach run.
That was not an accepted method of entry. The aircraft accelerated rapidly and entered
high Mach buffet with its associated pitch up, pitch down. Because of the high dive angle, the aircraft
would not respond properly to controls and would only alternate in pitch up and
pitch down around the main dive angle.
At a much lower altitude, the very high airspeed resulted in sufficient
drag to reduce the Mach no and then
restore flight control. In his efforts
to bring the nose up, the pilot would have wound the tailplane very nose up and
that suddenly became effective. A
violent pull out eventuated only just clearing the ground, during which the
navigator ejected.
Examination by the engineering staff
established that the aircraft (A84-204) had been violently over stressed and
its repair was beyond the capabilities at Amberley. Also, they could not fit a new navigators
hatch there. It was arranged that the
aircraft would be returned to the factory at Avalon for complete examination
and repair. I and my navigator, Flt Lt
Geoff Hughes, were selected for the job of getting it there. It came back some years later as a trainer.
First we did an air test - up to
10,000 feet and maintaining low airspeeds to minimise stresses. The missing ejector seat had not been
replaced so the navigator’s position was untenable. Geoff tried the starboard navigator’s
ejection seat but turbulence was too great for him to be effective. Thus, he came forward to the jump seat beside
me with the option of scrambling back to the ejector seat if needs be. It was also extremely cold throughout the
cockpit.
The air test went OK and we planned
our delivery flight. Because of transit
at 10,000 feet, the slow airspeed, and drag caused by the missing hatch, fuel
consumption would be horrific.
Therefore, we planned an intermediate stop to refuel at Williamtown Air
Base in NSW.
Once again, the flight went OK and
we treated that aircraft very gently.
It sure raised a lot of interest at Williamtown and at Government
Aircraft Factory, Avalon. We returned
the next day to Amberley by delivering a new aircraft to the squadron - a much
more pleasant flight.
The other fatal accident that I
recall was also at Amberley in either late 1965 or early 1966. I had long left the Canberra program at that
time. It was also a training single
engine approach. Both the pilot and the
navigator were killed.
OPERATIONAL
DEVELOPMENT
Fundamentals.
The fundamentals are to:
. Reach the target,
. Destroy it,
. Return.
That involved:
. Attaining suitable range,
. Accurate bombing, and
. Surviving.
Each of those factors was
intermixed; each having a significant affect on the other.
Target selection was made by higher
authority and was sent to us as an Operation Order. One hoped that they had fully considered the
two most important factors:
. where maximum disruption could be achieved.
. accessability.
Perceived Threat.
Although diplomacy restricted public
acknowledgment, the threats we trained for were :
. Hostile action from the very unstable and increasingly belligerent
Communist influenced and armed Indonesia under Soekarno;
. Major Communist insurgencies through Cambodia, Laos, Vietnam, and
Thailand; and
. A Communist advance possibly through Eastern Indonesia, Dutch New
Guinea or Papua New Guinea.
The Indonesian Air Force was quite
formidable. They had:
. some 60 or more Beagle (2
engine Jet Bombers similar to the Canberra),
. a small number of Bears (4
engine massive turbo prop bomber/reconnaissance aircraft)
. a great number of Mig 15/17
fighters (roughly equivalent to our Sabres),
. at least 2 squadrons of
Mig21 (roughly equivalent to our Mirage when we finally got it operational),
and
. Numerous ground to air
missiles.
To fulfill our commitment to
continental South East Asia, Australian forces (especially the AIF) assisted
Malaysia in the Indonesian Confrontation in Northern Borneo. Also, we built the large RAAF / Malaysian Air
Force Base at Butterworth and stationed a Canberra and a Sabre (later Mirage)
Squadron there. Those actions
contributed largely to the emerging nation, Malaysia. However, the Malaysians reminded us at every
turn that the base was theirs and that we were only there by invitation.
By the time that Soekarno was
toppled and the Indonesian real threat was diminished, the Vietnam War was
underway and the role was even more complex.
Even though No 2 RAAF Squadron of Canberras was involved in the Vietnam
war (the only war operations conducted by RAAF Canberras), the replacement
programme for the type was well under way.
Operational Criteria.
The Canberra was purchased as a
strategic bomber which was a bit euphemistic.
In fact its role was more as a tactical bomber involved in a confined
theatre of operations and the battlefield.
The thinking at that time was that a war would be of short duration and
that there would be little use in trying to destroy the long term ability of an
enemy to wage war. Thus, large
industrial complexes were not the priority but our concept of targets was
stores complexes, transport facilities including rail, road and ship, and,
possibly, direct battlefield strikes.
Small targets like road and rail bridges were predominate. At the same time, high level was dictated to
get suitable range and for survivability.
Woomera Attachment.
We, the two crews went off to
Woomera in August 1952 there to join a 9 Sqn RAF crew that had brought one of
their aircraft out for the conduct of the test program. The leader of the project was a British Army
Major specializing in Anti Aircraft Artillery.
The objectives were to determine the capability of new radar prediction
and aiming techniques against bomber evasive maneuvers. The objective for the Air Forces was to
develop evasive techniques and assess how much time was needed from the
cessation of such maneuvers before bomb release.
As a preliminary, we did some
practice bombing and each crew’s accuracy was assessed. That was later used to calculate the
deterioration in results of the various maneuvers and the period of dedicated
bomb run. Both the Australian crews got
their first experience of bomb delivery from the aircraft. I think that all tests were carried out at
30,000 feet above which the anti aircraft artillery was considered to be
ineffective. It was all valuable
learning but we came away more convinced that we should operate above 30,000
feet.
Early Bombing Efforts.
The Canberra bomb bay was designed
to accommodate 9 x 1,000 pound bombs hung on three triple carriers. But, neither of our two original aircraft had
the hardware to hang the bombs, nor the associated wiring, or the switches and
indicator lights for the bombaimer in the nose . But, as we formed No 2 Squadron in early 1954
(most of 1953 was taken up with test work and the Air Race), we had to get on
with developing the aircrafts bombing role.
Consequently, the engineers adapted Lincoln equipment and fitted
it. The aircraft did a successful sortie
with the standard 25 pound practice bombs at Evans Head bombing range. Then, I was scheduled, with Jack Bell as
navigator for a practice sortie. We
dropped the first bomb OK but on the second run, Jack or the range crew could
not see any bomb strike. We flew out to
sea and checked all lights and switches.
Finally, we concluded a failure of the add hock system and that the
remaining seven bombs were still in the bomb bay. We returned to Amberley, parked the aircraft
in the bomb safe area with the bomb doors closed and instructed the armourers
that there were seven bombs still in the bay.
Somehow, there was a breakdown in communications as we heard nothing
from the armourers. As it was long
after stand down, we went home.
Next morning, a Saturday and a stand
down day, the morning paper brought a rude shock. “BROADWATER BOMBED” screamed the
headlines! Broadwater is a village on
the river about 8 kilometers from the Evans Head range. Late the afternoon before, a number of
practice bombs had straddled the substantial river that runs through the town. I went out to the base as fast as I could and
things were really hotting up.
Correctly, the authorities were treating the incident very seriously. It was apparent that Command would like to
have me executed forthwith. We were
also very concerned to find out what had happened.
When the Lincoln switching etc had
been put into the Canberra it was not really suitable for the aircraft. In the Lincoln, the bombaimer was seated in a
spacious position with a clear view and comfortable access to all the associated
controls. In the Canberra, the Navigator
has to leave his normal station and come forward to lie in the nose in a very
uncomfortable position to peer through the bomb sight. The switching had been installed on the side
of the aircraft nose and was difficult for the bombaimer to see or
operate. What is more, there was a JETTISON switch in an even more
difficult position. When Jack was
wriggling about in the nose to get a suitable position over the bomb sight for
the second run, some part of his body must have knocked the Jettison switch
ON. The safety circuitry prevented the
bombs from releasing until the bomb doors opened. Consequently, as I finished the turn on for
the second run, I opened the bomb doors and the remaining bombs sequentially released
some 8 - 10 miles from the target.
As it was a serious incident, a
Court of Inquiry was convened firstly to find out what happened but more
importantly to lay the blame on - guess who?
First, they could not understand the distance from the target and why
would we open bomb doors so far away. We
explained that our first result had not been brilliant therefore we decided to
extend the run just to get everything a bit more stable. Also there was a very strong wind and our
ground speed was very high meaning that the run was only about a minute in
time.
I certainly was not praised in the
Court’s findings but it was probably better than I had feared as I was ready to
resign. The main result from the Court
was that the ad hoc system was not used again and urgent action was taken to
get the proper bomb beam and circuitry - action that should have been taken
long before.
Survivability.
At first we did not worry about
survivability. At that time, the
Canberra operated so high and so fast that enemy fighters were not a real
threat. RAAF Operational Command, to
which all operational elements belonged, scheduled frequent Air Defence
Exercises (ADEX) in the Sydney area. We operated
normally except that our only “bombing” was with a camera to record our likely
achievements. But, Vampires which were
the primary RAAF fighter, could not make the altitude and thus, they got no
training. Consequently, we were
restricted to, I think, a maximum altitude of 35,000 feet and Mach .72. But the Vampires could not hack that
either. I remember a Vampire pilot
combat report that went something like this:
Radar directed me to a good position to turn into a curve of
pursuit, from which I estimated to roll out at about 750 yards and close for
the kill. But at full power, I had a
negative close rate, and broke off the engagement at 1,000 yards.
Subsequently,
we were further restricted so that the defence elements could get some useful
practice.
At that time, there were no
effective ground to air missiles. Our
Woomera trials showed that we had little to fear from Anti Aircraft Artillery
while we maintained high altitude and speed.
Thus, in the early period, survivability from enemy defences was not a
problem. But that was to change rapidly
with the emergence of the second generation jet fighters such as the Mig 15 and
17, the F86 Sabre, and eventually the Mig 21, the Mirage, and the American F100
series. Indonesia was being supplied
with sophisticated Air Force aircraft by the Russians.
Range.
The Canberra was not fitted for air
refueling. Despite many approaches for
the necessary equipment, the government would not countenance air to air
refueling mainly because of the expense of airborne tankers. With no outside help, we could only attain
the maximum range at high altitude. We
developed a method of cruise climb as the most effective. At a calculated height dependent on aircraft
weight and ambient temperature, we would terminate the initial climb (in the
mid 30,000 feet range) and set the most efficient engine power (about 7,500
RPM) and the most efficient Mach No ( I think .74) and let the aircraft ascend
slowly as the weight diminished.
Nowadays, long range airlines do a version of that which they call step
climb as they are prevented from our more effective method by Air Traffic
Control considerations. (In our time
there was no one else up there).
Later, when survivability became of
considerable concern, we had to compromise all that, but more on that later.
Bombing.
We only had a small force and were
confined to HE (iron) bombs - we hungered for tactical nuclear bombs but that
was dream time stuff. For many of our
targets, ships, bridges, railway lines etc., using conventional high explosive
iron bombs (1,000 lbs HE), extreme accuracy was necessary. But that was the problem. Nowadays, guided bombs provide that but for
us that was also dream time. With both survivability and range dictating high
level, we set about perfecting our high level bombing skills. That did not develop well.
For training we used the 25 lb
practice bombs which, on impact would emit a burst of smoke to enable
plotting. We also had a small
allocation of 1,000 HE to get used to the real thing ( probably bombs that were
getting close to their use by date). Our major bombing range was at Evans Head, in
northern NSW, but it was only cleared for 25 lb bombs. When we dropped 1,000 HE, we used either the
offshore range just north of Townsville or a range near Darwin.
With bomb release from 40,000 feet,
the forward travel of the bomb would be 5 or more nautical miles (7 or so
kilometers). We had one of the best high
level bombsights in the world, but the slightest discrepancy at release could
mean a large impact error. A bomb run
required extraordinary coordination and skill from both the pilot and the
bombaimer. The bombaimer lay in the
nose and used the bombsight to direct the pilot by voice commands to correctly
align the aircraft until release.
Because of the speed and tactical considerations, it all had to be done
in minimum time. It was an incredible
team effort. The art was for the
bombaimer to anticipate the corrections necessary and to convey them to the
pilot by voice so that he would action the correct movement of the
aircraft. What is more, the aircraft had
to be flown absolutely accurately - that is no slip, skid, or sloppy movement.
At Evans Head, our results were very
inconsistent and, on occasion, the error was quite large. But at Townsville range dropping 1,000 lb HE,
a good crew could be quite accurate. As
well as different bomb types, the other variable was different conditions at
the two locations. Over Evans Head, the
windspeed at altitude was as high as 140 knots due to a jet stream that flowed
during a large period of the year. At
Townsville, there was no jet stream and winds were quite moderate.
My conclusion is simple. The bombsight could predict the correct
release point for the environment that it was in but it could not predict the
variations during the bombs’s fall. If
the bombs inertia could maintain the release trajectory, then the impact point
would be accurate. However, the violent
wind shear tended to overcome the inertia resulting in error. The extent of the error would depend on the
wind shear, and the inertia of the bomb.
The inertia would be less for the 25 pounder and thus its errors
greater. Such a conclusion is supported
by the excellent results we attained using the radar bombing trainer that we
finally got at Amberley.
However, we were encouraged by the
presumptions that:
. We would be operating in the tropics where jet stream conditions
were less likely; and
. We would be using more stable 1,000 HE.
Therefore, we concentrated on honing
our high altitude bombing skills.
Against that though was the factor
of visibility. As we had no radar, we
were dependent on visual bombing and we were unlikely to get clear skies over
the targets for much of the time.
Night Bombing.
We were capable of bombing at night
in a lit up area or bright moonlight.
But otherwise, identification of the target was a problem.
It appears that the RAAF had a stack
of 4 ½ inch reconnaissance flares left over from WW2. Operational Command issued a directive that
we were to develop a technique for high level night bombing using those
flares. I got the job in about mid
1961.
The 4 ½ inch reconnaissance flare
was a long tube (4 ½ inch diameter and over one meter long), the forward part
containing the incandescent substance, the other end containing a parachute. When the flare was dropped, the parachute
deployed slowing the descent and after a predetermined time the incandescent
substance was ignited. The flare would
then drift down very slowly (due to the convection generated by the burning
flare operating on the parachute) for about 4 minutes before burning out after
which the remnants dropped quite rapidly.
Because of the fall out, the flares could only be dropped on a vast
range - for us the range offshore from Townsville.
I flew the first test. We carried 8 flares and had decided that a
stick of 4 would be appropriate. The
aim was, using a mixed load, to see if there would be sufficient illumination
after dropping the stick of flares to then identify the target and then carry
on with a bombing run. That is, drop
the flares, identify the target, bomb it.
No way! From high level, bomb
release and thus the start of the bomb run was a long way from the target and
the flares would not illuminate that distance.
We did two runs dropping a stick of flares each time with negative
results.
Next test was for two aircraft both
carrying flares. We set up a
racetrack. The first aircraft dropped a
string of 4 flares where navigation estimated the target to be. The second aircraft came along two minutes later
to see if a bomb run was possible. Very
difficult as the crew had to look through the flares. Just to be sure, using the racetrack, we
each carried out two dropping runs and two attempted bombing runs. Still not satisfactory.
Next test was again using two
aircraft using a similar racetrack system but the second aircraft was 10,000
feet lower - that is under the flares.
It was very marginally successful and very dicey as the flares had
different descent rates thus assuming a very ragged line and they did not
always burn for the stipulated time and were prone to plummet. However, the danger could be reduced by the
bombing aircraft turning away immediately after bomb release which was still a
long way from the target. On this
sortie, there was further developments which I will describe later.
My conclusion was that it was not a
reasonably effective method. The
problems were:
. From high level, one had to be able to identify the target at a
long distance to then conduct a bombing run with release far from the target.
. The flares themselves destroyed the crew’s night vision.
. Plus all the other problems with high level bombing.
I went on later to do some
individual tests dropping the flares at 10,000 feet and doing almost a wing
over to come back under at low level and drop a flare at low level right on the
target for it to be used as a target marker.
A following bomber force could then bomb the target indicator. That looked like a reasonable solution if we
had target markers but we did not and it did not look like they would spend the
money for that ordinance. The RAF were
using such a system and there seemed to be no reason to reinvent the
wheel. And there was still the problem
of the considerable time in which the attack was highlighted and our completely
defenceless aircraft were exposed to attack from the quite sophisticated
fighters being supplied by the Russians to our potential enemies.
On the second two aircraft sortie,
the bomb doors on no 2 aircraft did not fully close after the final flare
drop. The crew tried to hand pump them
closed to no avail. I had already
landed back at Amberley and was taxiing in when the tower informed me of the
problem with no 2 and informed that the pilot would like me to come to the
tower so that we could discuss the problem and plan further action I did so with great haste.
The pilot was Flt Lt Tom Thorpe, a
very skilled operator. After discussion
we determined that there was damage to the bomb door hydraulic system, and on a
flypast of the tower we were able to get a powerful spotlight on the belly of
the aircraft. There was a distinct
hydraulic oil spill coming from the back of the bomb doors. Unfortunately, the bomb doors cannot be
isolated from the system and all hydraulic pressure would therefore be lost
through that damaged system. Therefore,
the wheels would not extend or the flaps function necessitating a wheels up
landing at a higher approach speed due to being flappless.
A major danger was the aircraft
catching fire on landing. We anticipated
that the cabin door would not be openable with the aircraft on its belly, and
even if it could be opened, escape through there would be tricky especially if
the aircraft rolled on to its starboard wing.
Tom did a slow run over the airfield jettisoning the navigators’ hatch
(about 40 explosive bolts). Then he did
a copy book wheels up landing on the strip where all the emergency equipment
was strategically positioned. The crew
had shut down everything on touch down - engines, fuel cocks and pumps, and all
electricals to minimise fire risk.
However, when the aircraft was about half way through its landing slide,
flames started to erupt from just aft of the partly open bomb doors. Hydraulic fluid had pooled in the
compartment there and was now burning.
My heart nearly dropped out of my body.
As the aircraft slid to a stop, both crew rapidly exited from the top
hatch and the fire personnel quickly extinguished the fire.
In all there was little damage. The bomb doors were wrecked and there was
repairable skin damage to the underside skin of the aircraft. The cause was quite simple. The parachute on the rear flare operated as,
or before, the flare was released thus dragging the flare into collision with
the rear bomb bay bulkhead shattering the rear bomb bay actuating jack. As the bomb doors were considered vital
hydraulics, the sub system could not be isolated. Thus all hydraulic fluid was lost including
the emergency hand pump reserve and all hydraulic services became inoperative.
In the Officers Mess, members had
learned of the emergency in progress and had kept the bar open. A few drinks went well that night.
HI - LOW - HI.
As time went by, our high level
security diminished. Indonesia got Mig
15's, then 17's, and eventually 21's which could all outperform us no end. Also, missiles were coming into the
picture. We had no attack warning
devices or any counter measures. And we
were not really satisfied that cloud cover and haze would allow us to see the
target and bomb it accurately from high level on sufficient occasions as to
make us an effective force. So, we had
to develop a compromise alternative which was HI - LOW - HI:
. high level transit outside enemy radar range,
. slow descent keeping below the radar sight line,
. low level approach to and attack of the target,
. low level immediate exit, then
. high level return.
Sure, range was
lessened but it was the price we had to pay for a better chance of reaching the
target and this technique optimized the time spent at economical high level.
There were very few mobile early
warning and control radars, thus the norm was for radars at fixed sites. We knew the precise location of all the
Indonesian radars. Also we knew the type
of radars installed and their performance.
With the addition of contour data, we could draw up a map of radar
coverage and, more importantly, non coverage for all of their radars. We could design a descent profile starting
about 250 nautical miles from the station and slowly descending to be at low
level about 80 nautical miles out and then do a low level dash to the
target. Luckily, we found that the most
economical descent profile was at high speed which was probably safer in case
we had been detected and it certainly reduced the crew’s twitter factor.
So we set about training,
concentrating on low level navigation and bombing.
Low Level Navigation.
At low level, the Canberra was rough
and the aircraft bounced and shuddered in even slight turbulence due to the low
aspect ratio and rigid wing. In the
tropics, turbulence could be extreme during the day. The later models with the “wet wing” were
better as the weight in the wing damped out some of the reactions but, even
then it was like riding an unsprung vehicle at 80 k down a rough dirt
road. All that led to fears of fatigue
especially in the massive fuselage yolk to which the wings were attached. Therefore, performance restrictions to 350
knots maximum and 3 ½ G were imposed.
Also, the Air Force decreed a minimum of 250 feet for low level
training. In a real shooting conflict we
would go as fast and low as we could, but in training, we observed the
limitations as a basis and aimed for excellence under those circumstances.
Although the low level run to the
target was not very long, we had to be very precise. There was no future in having to search for
the target because we were off course.
In the Canberra, the pilot hand flew the aircraft, did the map reading,
fuel planning, and fuel log. The
navigator was very busy with the air and ground plot, the courses to steer and
time based calculations. At low level,
everything was speeded up and a lot of fast calculation was necessary as we
frequently had to deviate from the predicted course to go around a hill or take
advantage of topographical concealment.
We pilots got quite adept at compensating for deviations by keeping a
mental plot of the course alteration and time and thus reversing it as soon as
possible.
The first essential was flight
planning. We pored over maps to find
significant features. We may then alter
our planned track to ensure that we could identify them. We then marked our intended tracks on
aeronautical series maps and cut them into strip maps always orientated to
aircraft heading. Then, we needed a
vision of what those significant points would look like as we approached. For geographical features, we got any contour
maps available and tried to draw up a sketch of what it would look like as we
approached. For buildings, we would try
to make a sketch referencing similar buildings or photographs. Then we would mark the time elapsed on the
strip map and attach the sketch. All
that had to be juggled on the pilot’s lap while he flew the aircraft and
ensured no contact with anything rigid - there was definitely no future in
that.
We always tried to establish an
Initial Point (IP) some short distance from the target. The aim was to do any major corrections there
so as to ensure a simple final run to the target.
Low level escape from the target was
not really a navigational problem as all we had to aim for was getting near
enough to base to use the navigational aids available. The main aim was to “get the hell out of
Dodge”. First thing was that the enemy
fighters knew that we were there as we had left a significant calling
card. They would most likely search for
us along the shortest route home. Thus
it was best to build in a significant deviation before turning for home and
subsequently climbing back to altitude.
We trained very hard and I think
that we were probably the best in the world at low level navigation. Both pilot and navigator were working like
one armed paper hangers and were completely rung out at the end of the mission. But it was a hell of a lot of fun!
Low Level Bombing.
Low level was pilot release from
about 200 feet and at 350 knots. We all
became quite accurate at it. But there
was the massive problem of preventing the bombs exploding right under the
aircraft; safety height was deemed to be 3,000 feet above the exploding
bomb. The first defence was to tail fuse
the bombs with a 10 second delay so that the aircraft would be well gone. But owing to the speed and low angle trajectory
of the released bombs, they were likely to skip back under the aircraft and 10
seconds later - kabung! Also, delay
fuses had a failure rate.
Therefore, the only practical uses
of low level release was against shipping or a building which would prevent
skipping and also assist penetration for armour piercing bombs, tail delay fused. For those attacks, we continued practicing
low level pilot release.
Toss Bombing.
Another method of bomb release from
low level was toss bombing. The
aircraft would approach the target at low level and high speed. At a predetermined point, the pilot would
initiate a high G pull up and release the bomb at a predetermined angle (about
60 degrees nose up). The bomb would then
continue to climb before arcing over into a very steep trajectory to the
target?? In the meantime, the pilot
would perform a wing over into a very steep descent to low level and escape.
That technique was primarily
designed for tactical nuclear weapons where accuracy was not as
significant. It overcame the problem of
blast and radiation damage to the aircraft as it rapidly escaped. At Woomera, RAAF crews developed the
technique, I think for the RAF which did have tactical nuclear weapons. My good friend David Glenn was on that
project. The RAF Vulcan nuclear bombing
force subsequently used that technique.
The Americans used toss bombing to
some effect with iron bombs from their advanced attack aircraft using target
acquisition radar and a computer controlled bombing manoeuver. For us, without the sophisticated gear, it
was not a goer because of lack of accuracy.
Bombing From 3,000 Feet.
The only practical solution was for
bomb release at 3,000 feet above ground level.
That is, we would approach the target at low level and pop up to 3,000
feet approximately 1 minute before bomb release. But our bombsight was for high level and
would not work at 3,000 feet. So we had
to improvise. Linked to the Green Satin
doppler navigation aid, we could use the bombsight for direction. But it could not compute release point. Thus, we would preset an angle on the sight
head calculated for release speed and height above ground. At calculated time after initial point, we
would pop up to release height opening bomb doors on the way. Then, the aircraft had to be stabilized at
release speed and exact height (using target forecast barometric pressure)
while doing directional corrections as demanded by the bombaimer. Because of the fixed angle, the aircraft had
to be perfectly level and stable at release point.
Strangely enough, accuracy was quite
reasonable, but the work load was terrific.
There was some range error, but that could be offset by dropping a close
spaced stick of bombs.
Finger Four.
Even with the Hi - Low - Hi profile,
there was still danger that we could be detected and intercepted. As stated before, the Canberra had no
intercept warning or any type of defences.
Also, because of the eggshell canopy and the pilot being offset to the
port side, rearward visibility was poor especially on the rear starboard
quarter. Thus, we experimented with
flying a very loose left hand finger four to maximize combined look out. It worked OK in that aircraft were far enough
apart for each to do his own terrain clearance while still conducting adequate
look out. If fighters were detected, the
only defence was to try and out turn them and disappear. Was a slim chance which was better than do
nothing.
Then came the tricky bit - the bomb
run. Making the initial point spot on
was even more important. At pull up
point, formation was abandoned and each aircraft initiated its own bomb run and
turned on to the target. Theoretically,
there would be adequate spacing as the aircraft crossed over but that depended
on the lead not having to do anything but a slight turn for final run in. In any case we did a lot of looking - just
another almost impossible extra.
Actually, the aircraft should not be in great danger of collision until
after bomb release and then the pilot had more time for evasion.
We did a number of these exercises
using Evans Head bombing range. Results
were quite good. But, we knew the Evans
Head area so very well that it was relatively easy to make the initial point
spot on which assisted a copy book approach.
In unfamiliar enemy territory; who knows??
Weapons Research Establishment had
been working on a low and medium level bombsight for some time, but it must
have been in the too hard category, as it was always being put off. I do not know if it ever eventuated but I
doubt it as the RAF Vulcan force were still using a bodged up system for low
level bomb aiming right up to the Falklands war.
Deployments and ADEXs.
We were continually being tested and
given opportunities to develop our skills through exercises laid on by
Operational Command. Regular ones were
with representative targets in the Sydney area (camera assessment of the
bombing run) which also gave training to the radars and fighter aircraft and
even the SAMS at Williamtown. Others
were deployments at very short notice for selected operational segments (bomber
squadrons, fighter squadrons, radars and radar operators etc) to Darwin there
to carry out concentrated simulated operational sorties. Darwin was a prepared operational base with
limited pre stocked support, an air defence radar, and a live bombing and air
to ground firing range. The movement
phase usually simulated a rapid response to an exercise designated threat with
a time frame of commencing operations within two days of first alert. All our aircraft transited fully armed ready
for a rapid turn around. Each of our
aircraft carried 6 x 1,000 HE. Of
course, it involved the transport squadrons to shift our ground staff and
sufficient spares etc to sustain operations for one month after which in real
circumstances, the supply chain was expected to be operating. Such deployments usually lasted for a couple
of weeks of intense activity.
FINISH
UP
I left the program at the end of
1962 to go to United States to fly B66 aircraft as an Exchange Officer. At that time our systems were considered
experimental mainly conducted by No 6 Squadron which I commanded and I do not
know whether they were ever accepted as operational procedures.
By the time of
the commitment of a RAAF Squadron of Canberras to the Vietnam war, the aircraft
had long since become obsolescent and its replacement had already been
ordered. Also, in Vietnam the role was
completely different, and the techniques that we developed were not
appropriate. But the aircraft and crews
acquitted themselves excellently in the assigned role.
I regretted that I did not get the
opportunity to do a tour on Canberras in Vietnam. By the time that they were committed, I had
almost completed a tour at the RAAF Base at Vung Tau, Vietnam, after which I
was assigned as a planner and I did not fly for the RAAF again before mandatory
retirement at age 50 years.
When I read of the massive ordinance
that modern aircraft can deliver with pin point accuracy, I get real
jealous. The electronic aids that they
have are absolutely mind boggling. We
had no auto pilot, no navigation systems, no terrain following system, no
radar, no defences, no warning devices, and not even an appropriate
bombsight. We, the pilot and navigator
/ bombaimer had to cover all of that and it was not easy. But we loved it! And I am still satisfied with what we
accomplished developing systems that would have been effective if needed.
Remember that Indonesia initiated “Konfrontasi” in the early 1960 ‘s and Commonwealth Forces (including Australians) were involved in skirmishes around the borders of Malaysian Borneo and Indonesia. Those actions continued until Soekarno was toppled in very late 1965. I think that Indonesia had a healthy regard for our capabilities, probably far greater than warranted, and that may have been sufficient deterrent to prevent escalation of the conflict.
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